Journey into the 5 Star Crisis. Not just Ilva. And the government risks


<! – -> The last, desperate attempt to find a mediation on the former Ilva of Taranto between the premier Giuseppe Conte – pressed by the Democratic Party and Italy Viva – and Luigi Di Maio – under attack by the hard wing of the 5 Star Movement led by Barbara Lezzi – is that of the time penalty shield, a hypothesis to which a slice of grillini senators has opened but only on condition that ArcelorMittal returns to sit at the negotiating table. But the real political knot that threatens to short-circuit the majority, even before the very delicate regional elections in Emilia Romagna of 26 January 2020, is the chaos in the 5 Stars.

The Foreign Minister no longer has the appeal of the past and is daily challenged by several domestic fronts. Something that has been happening for months now and that has recently been accelerating. As the plastic impasse on the election of the group leader in the Chamber (which proceeds with dramatic black smoke) demonstrates in a plastic way Davide Crippa, ex-undersecretary to the Mise nel Conte I and remained outside the new executive. If the head of the foreign ministry sweats seven shirts to keep the grilline currents at bay, the other leaderships of the M5S are at least blurred. An example of this is that of the president of the Chamber.

Roberto Fico lived the alliance with the League of Matteo Salvini with great suffering and worked for months on a change of partnership and, therefore, today he should be one of the winners given the alliance with the Dems. On the contrary, the election beating in Umbria and the increasingly worrying polls, children of the alliance of those who until the other day was called 'the party of Bibbiano', have greatly weakened the positions of the number one of Montecitorio and also of those who have an excellent political relationship with Nicola Zingaretti like Roberta Lombardi, regional councilor in Lazio led by the Pd secretary.

The most riotous against Di Maio – and not only on the former Ilva – are the disappointed and those who remained outside the yellow-red government. In addition to Lezzi and Crippa, there are also Giulia Grillo and Danilo Toninelli, who did not even get the 'reward' for being a group leader at Palazzo Madama. In the liquid magma of the pentastellars there are also the so-called ex Padani, or those who regret for some reason or other the executive with the Carroccio. Among them, besides Gianluigi Paragone, also Emilio Carelli.

To shake especially Palazzo Chigi, then, there are the continuous scouting of the League in the Senate. With the promise of re-election in case of crisis and return to the polls, the tam tam of the Roman power gives 8-10 senators grillini outgoing to the party of Salvini. Rumor that if confirmed, they would actually mark the end of the executive without waiting for the examination of the cards in Emilia Romagna. To all this is added the weakness of the M5S produced by the disengagement of Beppe Grillo and Davide Casaleggio, a sort of 'liquid party' which, not having ideologies, has split into numerous currents.

Not only that, the weakness of the Democratic Party, the main ally of the government that has lost all the latest Regionals and suffered a split, certainly does not help. So much so that many in and out of the 5 Stars think about how having put together two weaknesses has not created wealth but great political poverty (and electoral). Then there is the role of the President of the Council, considered as the representative of the establishment always with a direct line to Brussels (as shown by Angela Merkel's last trip to Italy) together with Economy Minister Roberto Gualtieri.

Conte wants to restore the shield for the former Ilva, first of all to remove the excuse for ArcelorMittal but also because he considers it wrong to change the cards continuously on the table; however, he knows perfectly well that the M5S is torn and exasperated by local Pasdarans and internal conflicts. Now mediation of the timed shield is being sought, but the fear is that behind the revolt of Lezzi there is the intention of the former minister for the South to run for the next regional elections in Puglia riding on the defense of the environment and health against the pollution of the former Ilva. A hypothesis that circulates seriously within the M5S and that, if it materializes, would mark the certain defeat of Michele Emiliano.

In the background there is also the idea of ​​a personal Conte party, which could also allow many deputies and senatorial pentastellati to reapply without coming under the cleaver of the double mandate, but at the moment the impression is that one tries to save the salvage between ex Ilva and Budget Law (with the nightmare of the vote of 26 January) and therefore every hypothesis on the future is at least postponed. As the voice of a group of loyal parliamentarians of Casaleggio ready to create a sort of neo-resposanabili component with an operation similar to that of Italia Viva.

Hypothesis, background, options that take place in the morning and lose credit in the afternoon. Finally, there is also the question mark on how to get to the regional elections in Emilia Romagna. Not so much and not only if you ally with the Democratic Party and with Stefano Bonaccini, the point is whether to be in the game or call out and not present the list. Uncontrolled rumors suggest dramatic numbers for the 5 Stars in the now former Red Region: 7 or even 5%. Perhaps it is better to opt for desistance.

The basic problem of the M5S remains the fact that in 2018 it won the Politics with the promise to break the mold but then find itself in government with those who fought for years with very harsh tones. Not to mention the positioning in Europe: from Nigel Farage and Italexit to the yes to Ursula von der Leyen; from the dialogue with the yellow vests to the smiles with Macron. A turnaround that, along with the electoral flops and polls, is hitting and dividing the M5S.

The only solution could be to become the left wing of the Democratic Party, already covered on the right by the new formation of the Renzians, but replacing LeU would mean distorting the very meaning of the Movement. And again this morning Di Maio, responding to the appeal to the unit against the right launched by Zingaretti, replied that we are no longer in the 70s and that right and left are outdated concepts. A suggestive refrain that probably no longer pulls. Indeed, surely.

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